Claims that Indigenous peoples own all of Canada and that every acre was stolen are often based on selective interpretations of history and law. These assertions overlook the foundational agreements that have shaped the country, including negotiated treaties and court rulings established over the past 150 years. Between 1871 and 1921, the Numbered Treaties were established, covering much of Canada from Ontario to British Columbia. These treaties, such as Treaty 1 in Manitoba, were formal agreements where Indigenous leaders ceded land in exchange for specific rights, including reserves, annuities, and hunting privileges. These treaties are legally binding and recognized by Canada’s highest courts. Pre-Confederation treaties, starting with the Royal Proclamation of 1763 and continuing through the Robinson Treaties of 1850, followed a similar model. Indigenous signatories often agreed to these treaties under difficult circumstances, but the agreements remain valid. The Privy Council's ruling in St. Catherine’s Milling and Lumber Co. v. The Queen (1888) continues to influence Canadian property law today. Approximately 90 percent of Canada’s land has been ceded through about 70 historic treaties or modern agreements. The remaining 10 percent, primarily in British Columbia and the North, requires case-by-case legal proof of land claims. The Supreme Court's Tsilhqot’in decision in 2014 clarified that Aboriginal title exists only where there is proof of continuous and exclusive occupation before and after sovereignty, not as a blanket claim across all lands. Demographically, before European contact, the Indigenous population in Canada was estimated to be between 500,000 and 2 million, which translates to less than one person per five square kilometers. Many Indigenous communities were nomadic or shared hunting grounds, indicating that vast areas were not permanently owned in a modern legal context. Today, Canada has a population of 38 million, with Indigenous peoples making up about five percent. No legal system recognizes a claim that five percent of a population owns 100 percent of the land. Furthermore, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples does not support claims that would undermine a state's territorial integrity. It is essential to recognize that treaties are contracts. For example, if someone sells their house, they cannot later demand part of it back simply because property values have increased. This principle applies to treaties as well. Acknowledging historical facts does not negate the challenges Indigenous peoples face today. Canada allocates over $32 billion annually for Indigenous programs and services. Despite this funding, many reserves still lack clean water, adequate housing, and face issues with addiction and unemployment. Questions arise about the effectiveness of this spending and where the funds are directed. Accountability is crucial for reconciliation. Much of the funding currently passes through bureaucratic layers and political organizations that claim to represent Indigenous peoples but may not effectively address their needs. If the system functioned properly, persistent issues would not remain unresolved after decades of investment. The focus should be on empowerment rather than dependency. The federal government and Indigenous leaders must ensure that funds reach individuals directly—families, communities, and small businesses—rather than a select group of leaders or consultants. Successful models exist, such as the Seminole Tribe of Florida, which transformed from a small group of descendants of those who escaped U.S. removal in the 1800s into a self-governing entity that has built a global enterprise through business ventures and self-governance. This example illustrates the potential for Indigenous communities to thrive when they have direct access to resources and support.